Turkey and Europe : Looking to the Future from a Historical PerspectiveIsmail Cem
Turkish
history has been moulded through an ongoing process of interaction with the West
and with the East. As a country and people, we have been situated at the
crossroads of civilisations, religions and trade. Therefore, the external
environment, external dynamics, and the interaction with Europe, confrontational
and harmonious at times, were among the decisive factors in our historical
development. Thus, the Turkish/Ottoman presence in Europe during the 15th,
16th and 17th centuries brought forward new ideals and new
patterns of social relationships. Given the realities of an era when feudalism,
lack of tolerance and exploitation of masses prevailed, humane values and a
highly egalitarian, efficient and sophisticated organisation were introduced.
The
Turco-Ottoman civilisation and its moral values contributed to the evolution of
Middle Ages into modern times. It turned Turkey into the safe-haven of the
persecuted ethnic and religious masses in the 16th century and
onwards. A role,
which Turkey had to resume through the II. World War.
As
modern times approached, the historical interaction with the West contributed
the external dynamics, mainly positive, for the institutional reformation of
Turkey in the 19th and 20th centuries.
The
particular historical development of Turkey, its civilisation that comprises
western as well as eastern values, a multitude of beliefs and ethnicities,
bestowed upon Turkey a unique identity:
We
consider ourselves both European (since seven Centuries) and Asian, and view
this diversity to be an asset. Our history and culture was moulded as much
in Istanbul, Edirne, Tetova, Kosovo and Sarajevo as it was in Bursa, Kayseri,
Diyarbakir or Damascus.
I
want to elaborate on a few elements of “European Culture” which we share,
for it seems that sometimes there is a need to contribute mutually to a better
understanding:
On
some issues, the Turkish and West European perceptions differ. This is mainly
due to the different nature of their respective historical developments.
In
analyzing and understanding
the social fabric of Turkey, criteria based on race as a distinctive and
major tool leads to wrong presumptions. We do not conceive of the ethnic origin
of our citizens as a relevant factor in Turkey. No one really cares about the
race of anyone. The concept of race as the main attribute of “minorities”
does not fit in our realities and perceptions.
In
Turkey, the Ottoman interpretation and implementation of Islam is one of the
main components of cultural identity. For centuries, the state, not solely
because of its ethical beliefs, but for its own survival as well, had to keep
united a multitude of ethnicities and cultures. In line with these ideals and
constraints, “race” did not exist as a social and political category. The
main distinctive factor has been religious, implemented with great tolerance.
Social and political differentiation was always conceived in religious concepts,
i.e., the “Muslims” and the “Non-Muslims”. On the other hand, “Muslim
Ottoman Subjects”, whether in Sarajevo, Kosovo, Istanbul, Kayseri, Benghazi,
Cairo, Aleppo or elsewhere, and of whatever ethnic origin, were totally equal in
their status.
Contemporary
Turkey based itself on her heritage of non-discrimination and developed it
through its modernization process. When some West European scholars apply their
version of social analysis based on their particular socio-cultural experience
to a country like Turkey, they are misled. They end up with an overemphasis on
race as a social factor and generally bring
up wrong conclusions. This is why Turks whether of Balkan, Kurdish,
Caucasian, or of whatever origin are somewhat irritated when they discover that
they are considered as “minorities” by the West European discourse.
This,
of course, does not mean that I am not, in fact, that we are not, in favour of
freedom of cultural and democratic expression for any citizen who feels the
need.
I
have always said, as a writer, politician, and as a Minister, that there are
some delays in certain points in our democratic development. This, in spite of
the fact that Turkey is among the front-runners in Europe in some fields of
democracy as gender equality, women’s votes, secularism, upward mobility, etc.
In some of the criticism formulated, the starting points might generally be
justified. But, the overall, exaggerated conclusions are generally unjustified.
It
is not an excuse or a pretext, but it is obvious that some of the difficulties
were mainly due to the horrible terrorist/secessionist campaign which we faced.
During the last 15 years, the terrorists have killed thousands of civilians.
There were cases like that of the 128 primary-school teachers who were executed
in groups.
As
our Prime Minister Mr. Ecevit has explained, the more we free ourselves from the
constraints of terrorism, the greater will be the momentum of democratic
reforms. Actually, we are in the process of overcoming terrorism. It is
interesting to note that, during the last three months, the Parliament, through
a record-breaking performance, has enacted two major constitutional changes and
sixty-seven laws, including several democratic legislations. Frankly, I do not
think these
would have been possible about a year ago, when terrorism was not as
limited in its scope as it is today.
These
conceptual and legislative changes represent an ongoing trend; a trend which is
initiated by Turkey’s internal dynamics.
Considering
Turkey’s candidacy and membership, I always ask myself: “what is it that
Turkey will contribute to the European Union; what will be its genuine input;
what will be the enhancement that Turkey will bring to the European Union? And,
what will be the advantages, which Turkey will derive, by being part of the
European Union?”
As
for advantages, I believe that being part of EU will provide Turkey with a
challenge and with a wider opportunity to attain a higher rationale. This, in
all aspects of its organisational, political, social, democratic and economic
life. The historical, cultural and geographic settings of Turkey, which provide
for ample interaction with our international environment, enhance
the contribution of external dynamics.
I
can refer to the positive aspects of our already existing partnership in the
Customs Union: It was a huge challenge, it is only four years old, but this
union has further motivated Turkey to reach an economic competitiveness, an
industrial infrastructure and skill comparable to that of the EU. We have
achieved this end without any considerable economic assistance from the EU.
I
do not overlook the limitations and burdens that this partnership has caused and
is causing. But, we are already integrated to the economic dimension of EU.
I
believe that initiating the process of being part of the political dimension of
EU will bring about parallel results in reaching higher levels of a new
rationale.
Furthermore,
we are now in a better position to take advantage of this process, for we
actually benefit from having a strong government and a sound majority in the
parliament
-a privilege we have not had in Turkey for the last five years.
What
Turkey can contribute to EU is a historical experience of a different kind; a
dimension that only a country that for centuries was the representative of a
huge geography and a genuine civilization can provide. It actually represents as
well the assertiveness of its republican and democratic evolution, and it has a
unique role as a “model”: Being the only country with a predominantly Muslim
population which has the ideals and practices of a pluralist democracy,
secularism, rule of law, human rights, gender equality, Turkey enjoys the
privilege of constituting a paradigm of modernization.
Furthermore,
the post cold-war political framework witnessed the appearance or the
confirmation of several independent states. Out of the multitude of those
“new” states, almost all
-in the Balkans, in the Caucasus or in Central Asia-
are those with whom Turkey shares a common history or a common language
and cultural affinity. This provides Turkey with a new international environment
of historical, political and economic dimensions. Turkey thus becomes a
“center” for the emerging Eurasian reality and constitutes Western
Europe’s major historical, cultural and economic opening to Eastern horizons.
Nevertheless,
it seems to me that the EU has not yet firmly decided on its strategy vis-a-vis
the challenges of emerging new geographies; whether it is interested in the vast
opportunities of encompassing new economic, historical and cultural dimensions;
whether it can contribute more to the harmonization of civilizations in a world
endangered by the much discussed “clash” of civilizations;
whether it will assume a larger responsibility to create a better world
for all.
Turkey
contributes to all these causes positively, to some, perhaps, decisively.
In
order to further develop our relations with EU, the confrontational approach
that has sometimes been displayed should mutually be put aside. Generally,
problems are solved more efficiently if the other party’s sensitivities,
concerns and constraints are taken into consideration.
Western
Europe, for a long period of history, considered Turkey as “The Other”, to
put it in Edward Said’s terms. Turkey was the “anti-thesis”, the
“outsider”. Now there is growing evidence that this unfortunate categorizing
is withering away. It is a mutual responsibility
to assure that this positive trend further develops.
Finally,
I expect that a just and clear decision be reached in Helsinki Summit of
December 1999. I believe that Turkey should be declared an official candidate
for accession to EU.
Human
values are universal. “The Copenhagen Criteria” are values that are not
particular to EU; they are values, which are shared by millions inside and
outside Europe. They are values, which we share, which we develop, and will
continue to develop, whether we are a candidate, a member, or not.
I
believe in a future, which is brighter for Europe. I believe in Turkey’s
contribution to this future. |
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